
The war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) shows no signs of abating since its outbreak in April 2023. The violence has persisted and intensified in spite of ceasefire attempts and unsuccessful diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict, which has caused a devastating humanitarian crisis, including during the return of violence in Darfur. As of December 2024, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated that more than 12 million people in Sudan have fled their homes, with 8.8 million displaced within Sudan and 3.2 million seeking refuge in neighboring and other African countries.
Egypt, given its proximity and historic ties to Sudan, has seen an estimated 1.2 million Sudanese enter the country since 2023, with “hundreds” reportedly entering daily as of November 2024. Egypt has responded to the crisis by escalating restrictions on the entry, residency, and employment of Sudanese. These policies have forced many of those fleeing the war to resort to dangerous irregular migration routes, only to encounter precarious conditions in Egypt. Hardening government policies and rising anti-refugee sentiment there reinforce each other, creating an increasingly hostile environment for those fleeing Sudan’s violence. Egypt’s deteriorating economy has also left many people there struggling to make ends meet, fueling frustration against migrants and a search for scapegoats among the public.
Evolving Policies Since April 2023
For Sudanese refugees who manage to enter Egypt, the situation has become increasingly difficult as Egypt introduces laws that undermine migrants’ livelihoods by restricting freedom of movement and other rights. Despite its initial commitment to international agreements protecting refugees, the Egyptian government’s stance has shifted as economic pressures have mounted and international support proved insufficient. Egypt claims to host nine million refugees, but only 800,000, most of whom are Sudanese, are officially registered as refugees and asylum seekers.
Despite its initial commitment to international agreements protecting refugees, the Egyptian government’s stance has shifted as economic pressures have mounted and international support proved insufficient.
As the influx has grown, Egypt has adopted stricter measures, including suspending the 2004 Four Freedoms Agreement that guaranteed Sudanese freedom of movement, residence, work, and property ownership in Egypt. Egypt has drastically altered the entry process for Sudanese. In the war’s first month, Sudanese women and girls, boys under 16, and men over 50 could enter without a visa, while the others obtained visas relatively easily. But the Egyptian consulate in Wadi Halfa, near the Sudanese-Egyptian border, became overwhelmed, leading to delays, and in June 2023, Egypt abruptly announced that all Sudanese would require visas. Wait times stretched to three months, forcing many to rely on brokers who charge exorbitant fees of $1,500 to $2,500 per person—unaffordable for many Sudanese.
As the situation in Sudan deteriorates and Egypt’s restrictions tighten, many Sudanese have been forced to turn to smugglers to cross the border into southern Egypt. Those smuggled face dangerous journeys, with reports of violence and exploitation in border areas. Amnesty International and the Refugees Platform in Egypt have reported widespread arbitrary arrests and unlawful deportations of Sudanese refugees. These measures include detaining people smuggled across the border—primarily to curb migration to Europe—and conducting random crackdowns in predominantly Sudanese neighborhoods. Refugees awaiting asylum interviews are especially vulnerable, as they lack formal documentation beyond a paper slip confirming their appointment, which police often do not acknowledge. Those seeking to regularize their status face a $1,000 fee introduced by Prime Ministerial Decision No. 3326 of August 2023, which targets refugees with expired residency permits or those without proper documentation. Although Egypt has repeatedly extended deadlines, the decision left many in limbo and served as a justification for periodic crackdowns.
Egypt’s crackdowns, backed by European Union (EU) funding aimed at curbing migration to Europe, expose the flaws in Europe’s migration policy toward Africa, particularly its assumption that enhancing state surveillance and border control, as the EU has sought to do in Egypt, is the key to managing migration. This approach fails to acknowledge, or deliberately overlooks, how state actions themselves drive violent conflict and displacement, and places the burden of controlling irregular migration onto departure and transition countries.
Egypt’s crackdowns, backed by European Union (EU) funding aimed at curbing migration to Europe, expose the flaws in Europe’s migration policy toward Africa, particularly its assumption that enhancing state surveillance and border control, as the EU has sought to do in Egypt, is the key to managing migration.
Egypt also has tripled residency fees for foreign nationals from about $50 to $150, though these increases do not apply to refugees and asylum seekers. Many foreign nationals who came to Egypt to escape conflict or unrest do not hold official refugee status, however. Instead, they rely on short-term residencies that require frequent renewal, leaving them heavily affected by the fee increases. Sudanese nationals are exempted from this fee hike, but they are still required to pay around $25 to renew their documents, an expensive amount for many. The process is further complicated by the requirement to secure US dollars or the equivalent in foreign currency, which must be converted to Egyptian pounds at approved banks or foreign exchange companies in order to pay the fines and fees.
Egypt’s First Bill on Asylum-Seekers
Egypt has a long history of hosting refugees, guided by international agreements like the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1969 Organization of African Unity (OAU) Convention. Since Egypt’s 1954 Memorandum of Understanding with UNHCR, responsibilities such as registration, documentation, and refugee status determination have largely been managed by UNHCR. However, last December Egypt’s parliament rushed through a controversial asylum law that gives the government, rather than UNHCR, the power to determine refugee status, which critics argue could severely undermine refugee rights. The law marks a first step toward “institutionalizing” Egypt’s international obligations in the asylum file—granting refugees some basic rights for the first time, such as the ability to apply for Egyptian citizenship. But it also imposes stricter criteria for obtaining refugee status in the first place and places new constraints on asylum-seekers.
last December Egypt’s parliament rushed through a controversial asylum law that gives the government, rather than UNHCR, the power to determine refugee status, which critics argue could severely undermine refugee rights.
The law permits arbitrary detention of asylum seekers, imposes a 45-day deadline for asylum applications, and allows forced returns without procedural safeguards. It also restricts refugees’ access to essential services. For instance, it criminalizes the provision of assistance such as shelter or employment to asylum-seekers without prior notification of the authorities. And it includes vague criteria—such as “acts that interfere with national security or public order”—that can be used to revoke refugee status.
Surge in Anti-Refugee Sentiment in Egypt
The Egyptian media plays a central role in shaping public attitudes toward refugees. State-controlled media have tightened the government’s grip on public discourse while allowing unchecked and often false narratives to amplify anti-refugee rhetoric. In early 2024, media figures made claims that refugees were straining Egypt’s budget. On her show, television anchor Azza Mostafa recently criticized the growing number of migrants, accusing them of driving up rents and promoting female genital mutilation, remarks that reflect the government’s increasingly hardline stance toward refugees amid an economic crisis worsened by the crisis in Sudan as well as ongoing conflicts in Gaza, Libya, and Syria.
The Egyptian media plays a central role in shaping public attitudes toward refugees. State-controlled media have tightened the government’s grip on public discourse while allowing unchecked and often false narratives to amplify anti-refugee rhetoric.
As has become the case in the West, misinformation spread widely on social media also feeds opposition to refugees. Hashtags like #Deporting_Refugees_Is_A_Public_Demand, for example, spread exaggerated claims about refugees’ negative impact on resources, security, and jobs for Egyptians. These claims have fueled calls to boycott refugee-owned businesses and deepened distrust among newly arrived refugees.
The Struggle for Education, Livelihood, and Stability
Among those forced to flee Sudan for Egypt are countless students, academics, and families. Those seeking to continue their education there face high tuition fees, bureaucratic obstacles, and visa restrictions. Before the war, Sudanese students received a 90 percent tuition discount at Egyptian universities, but this was reduced to 60 percent for the 2023–2024 academic year. Base tuition costs have also risen sharply, with annual fees now ranging from $900 to $2,400 compared to $300 to $600 before the war. Additional charges, such as an upfront payment of up to $2,000 for foreign students (calculated according to number of years since finishing high school), have made education nearly unattainable .
The 2023 devaluation of the Egyptian pound worsened the situation by driving up the cost of living and making necessities and education unaffordable. While the exchange rate has stabilized somewhat, living expenses remain high. Egyptian authorities’ crackdowns on Sudanese schools in Egypt have created additional instability for students’ families, with Sudanese secondary schools in Cairo being closed and new regulations requiring residency permits for Sudanese children to attend Egyptian schools. Many Sudanese academics and students who fled to Egypt early, often without belongings, valuables, or documents, have been forced to abandon their studies in Cairo and return to Sudan, despite limited opportunities there.
To cope with rising challenges in Egypt, Sudanese refugees have created networks of support and community-driven initiatives. They have founded schools, associations, and programs to provide essential services and skill-building opportunities to newcomers to facilitate employment in Egypt.
To cope with rising challenges in Egypt, Sudanese refugees have created networks of support and community-driven initiatives. They have founded schools, associations, and programs to provide essential services and skill-building opportunities to newcomers to facilitate employment in Egypt. These community-led initiatives often provide the only lifeline for Sudanese refugees, who may be overlooked by larger international organizations. A few Sudanese have also opened businesses and restaurants in Egypt, catering to the needs of their community while creating spaces for gathering, networking, and building connections among the displaced and helping provide jobs to asylum seekers and refugees.
However, economic integration remains a major challenge, as many refugees struggle with having their previous work experience and educational certificates recognized, leaving them confined to low-skilled, underpaid work—very different from their professions in Sudan.
An Urgent Need for Solutions
The entry of refugees into Egypt, coupled with their portrayal as a financial and economic burden, has fostered a climate of hostility that aligns with the country’s recent restrictive measures, including tighter border controls or the recent asylum law. The hostile rhetoric is also fueled by government media and by apparently coordinated social media campaigns against refugees that call for stricter measures while diverting public attention from Egypt’s systemic economic problems.
A lasting solution for displaced Sudanese requires coordinated regional and international action. The international community must commit to a comprehensive response that ensures Sudanese refugees in Egypt and neighboring countries receive the humanitarian aid and protection they urgently need. This includes redirecting resources toward grassroots initiatives in Egypt that effectively address refugees’ immediate challenges.
For its part, Egypt must uphold the Four Freedoms Agreement, ensure freedom of movement for women and children, and resolve the legal status of Sudanese refugees. Simplifying and reforming the residency and university registration processes would significantly ease the burden on displaced families and allow Sudanese students to continue their education and build their futures. A balanced media narrative is also needed, supported by collaboration among refugee organizations, journalists, and human rights groups, to counter misinformation and anti-refugee rhetoric.
Simplifying and reforming the residency and university registration processes would significantly ease the burden on displaced families and allow Sudanese students to continue their education and build their futures.
The United States should press for humanitarian corridors in Sudan and develop a roadmap for a ceasefire and lasting peace. Without a stable and peaceful Sudan, no long-term solution can truly succeed. The United States should also leverage its relationship with Egypt to advocate for fairer refugee policies and fewer restrictions on Sudanese asylees. At the same time, Egypt needs support in addressing the economic challenges facing both its own population and the refugees it hosts.
While international aid and grassroots efforts are important, they cannot replace the need to address the root causes of war in Sudan. Above all, the international community must listen to the Sudanese people, amplify their demands, and support their aspirations for self-governance and a peaceful and just future. Only by centering their voices can the world hope to create meaningful and lasting change in Sudan.
The views expressed in this publication are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the position of Arab Center Washington DC, its staff, or its Board of Directors.
Featured image credit: Shutterstock Suburbanium