The fall of the Assad regime has highlighted a crucial but often overlooked issue: the fate of Syria’s state archives. Former officials have left behind millions of confidential documents as they fled the country or sought to conceal sensitive information. Some records were destroyed, looted, or burned amid the chaos as the new authorities moved to assert control over Damascus.
In the power vacuum that followed, Western media outlets gained access to some of the classified records and published reports that exposed the inner workings of the Syrian state under the Baath Party and the Assads. These accounts revealed a nation where external actors fueled covert conflicts within Syria and highlighted the staggering scale of the regime’s repressive apparatus, branded “al-Assad’s Stasi-like surveillance state,” in reference to the defunct East Germany’s state security service and secret police. Stories about informants embedded in everyday life painted a grim picture of the Assad regime’s legacy, built on torture and human surveillance across the country.
While such revelations offer a glimpse into the inner workings of the Assad regime, preserving these archives is essential for Syria’s future. They can serve as a foundation for transitional justice and fostering accountability, reconciliation, and healing. These records do not merely document bureaucratic decisions—they chronicle the systemic violence and human suffering endured by Syrians for more than five decades under the Assad dynasty. Syrians, more than historians or researchers, deserve to understand the mechanisms of repression employed by the state’s formidable security agencies, including General Intelligence, Political Security, Military Intelligence, and Air Force Intelligence.
However, one of the greatest challenges for the Syrian people will be ensuring that the new authorities protect these archives from destruction, exploitation, or unauthorized expatriation. Historical examples from Iraq and Libya serve as cautionary tales. In Iraq, American forces seized Iraqi state records during the 1991 Gulf War and again after the 2003 US invasion with the help of the co-founders of the Iraq Memory Foundation, Kanaan Makiya and Mustafa al-Kadhimi. The George W. Bush administration expropriated and weaponized these documents to justify further military interventions in Iraq. The Hoover Institution at Stanford University—an institution with an opaque legacy of ultra-conservative values and missions—housed many of that country’s archives. In Libya, foreign journalists admitted to the looting and smuggling of state records. This capture of national records has raised ethical and legal concerns about their use. How the post-Assad leadership manages similar records in Syria will shape both public trust and the legitimacy of new institutions.
The Baath Party’s archives are equally significant. As Syria’s dominant political force since 1963, the party halted formal operations only shortly after Bashar al-Assad fled to Moscow following the capture of Damascus by Hay`at Tahrir al-Sham and its allies on December 8. The party announced that it will transfer its financial, bureaucratic, and security structures to the ministries of finance and justice. Yet, the fate of its records remains uncertain. These archives document how the Baath regime permeated every institution, monitored citizens, and exerted control over all branches of government. Much like the Iraqi case, Syria’s Baath-era documents likely contain the names of informants, collaborators, and dissidents—individuals who may have been unaware of the extent to which their lives had been surveilled and recorded. Building a credible judicial system in a post-Assad Syria will require transparency and accountability in handling these archives. Legal proceedings must avoid the selective use of records to settle political scores or institute new forms of repression.
Moreover, scholars and historians accessing the archives must adhere to rigorous ethical standards. They should avoid sensationalizing one of the most painful periods in Syria’s modern history or misrepresenting the content for academic gain, particularly when dealing with documents taken without the knowledge or consent of the Syrian people. International and regional scholars must reflect on the broader implications of publishing such accounts. Instead of building on stolen history, they should conduct and publish their research in a way that centers the voices and lived experiences of Syrians.
State archives are more than repositories of historical data; they symbolize national security, sovereignty, and collective memory. These documents belong to the Syrian people and should serve as instruments for reflection, justice, and healing. Preserved and managed with integrity, the archives can play a pivotal role in shaping a just and transparent society that reckons with its past and builds a more accountable future.
The views expressed in this publication are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect the position of Arab Center Washington DC, its staff, or its Board of Directors.
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