Any rational discourse in the United States about the Israel-Hamas war increasingly has been subject to political litmus tests, as Israel supporters and Republican members of Congress attack any suggestion that a ceasefire is necessary to protect Palestinian civilians and to prevent the Israeli-Palestinian crisis from deteriorating further. Such attacks have even been directed at the Biden administration, whose pro-Israel bona fides are not in any serious doubt. Although a small number of Democrats in Congress have spoken out about the need to hold Israel accountable for its use of US weapons in Gaza, more must do so to save the Biden administration from the negative of its own indulgences.
Unless the Biden administration steps up pressure on Israel to stop indiscriminate killings and bring about a genuine humanitarian ceasefire to aid stricken Palestinian civilians, America’s standing in the wider Middle East will continue to fall, harming US interests. Moreover, if President Biden insists on his opposition to a ceasefire, his chances for re-election are likely to be dim, as an important part of his political base remains angry over his stance on this conflict.
Biden Only Taking a Half Step Back
In the wake of the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel, Biden gave an emotional address from the White House in sympathy with the Israeli public, who saw the brutal assault in existential terms, even referencing the pogroms in Tsarist Russia and the Holocaust. On October 18, Biden flew to Israel to meet not only with relatives of the victims but also with Israel’s war cabinet. It was clear from Biden’s comments and actions that he was giving Israel the green light to prosecute the war to defeat Hamas, despite his warning to Israel not to overreact to the attacks like the United States did after 9/11. Biden’s stance reflected his unmistakable pro-Zionist sentiments as well as his empathy for the victims.
It was clear from Biden’s comments and actions that he was giving Israel the green light to prosecute the war to defeat Hamas, despite his warning to Israel not to overreact to the attacks like the United States did after 9/11. Biden’s stance reflected his unmistakable pro-Zionist sentiments as well as his empathy for the victims.
The problem for Biden, and with dire results for the Palestinians, was that Israel took its “right to self-defense” to an extreme degree. Its bombing campaign has resulted in thousands of deaths (the death toll in Gaza is now close to 20,000, with about 70 percent of those killed women and children). It has come to light that Israel employed so-called dumb bombs in 45 percent of its aerial attacks. Such bombs are not precision-guided weapons and are used to inflict maximum destruction in a wide area. Although Israel told Palestinian civilians to leave northern Gaza supposedly to move out of harm’s way, they were given little time to evacuate, and most left with the few possessions they could muster on their backs. Images of dead Palestinian civilians from the bombing campaign and long lines of Palestinians fleeing to the southern portion of the Strip (with little food, water, or safe shelter available for them) recalled images from the nakba (catastrophe) of 1948 when hundreds of thousands of Palestinian were expelled from their homes. Such images inflamed Palestinian and wider Arab and Muslim sensibilities.
US officials and diplomats stationed in the region were on the receiving end of this anger and reported back to Washington about rising anti-Americanism. Even Arab states that have long had close relations with the United States, like Egypt and Jordan, have been outspoken in their criticism of Washington’s close association with Israel’s military offensive in Gaza. Secretary of State Antony Blinken got an earful of this criticism during his several trips to the region, leading him to say in November that “far too many Palestinians have been killed.”
Biden himself, after growing pressure, also sought to distance himself somewhat from the Israeli attacks in Gaza. He told a group of reporters on October 25 that “Israel has to do everything in its power, as difficult as it is, to protect innocent civilians.” And on December 12, he mentioned to a group of campaign donors that the “indiscriminate bombing that takes place” in Gaza was costing Israel support around the world.
But, as the saying goes, actions speak louder than words. Although the Biden administration successfully pushed for a “pause” in the conflict to deliver more humanitarian aid into Gaza and to get Hamas to release some of the hostages, it has so far refused to formally call for a ceasefire. The United States has used its veto power at the UN Security Council to block such a call, and was among only 10 countries out of 193 that voted against a UN General Assembly resolution demanding the same. Concerning the issue of limiting Palestinian civilian casualties, US officials have unconvincingly claimed that Israel has the “intent” to protect Palestinian civilians but that they were still waiting to see the results.
Although the Biden administration successfully pushed for a “pause” in the conflict to deliver more humanitarian aid into Gaza and to get Hamas to release some of the hostages, it has so far refused to formally call for a ceasefire.
Although US officials also insist that they have been tougher with Israeli officials in private about civilian casualties, their public message continues to show defensiveness and solidarity with Israel over the prosecution of the war. On December 15, National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan downplayed differences with Israel during his visit to that country by stating, “I’m here today on President Biden’s behalf to emphasize our continued commitment to support Israel in its fight against Hamas.” Sullivan added: “we’re not here to tell anybody you must do X, you must do Y. We’re here to say this is our perspective as your partner, your friend.” While Sullivan was probably hinting that he privately had urged Israeli officials to show restraint, his public message conveyed US unwillingness to try to stop Israel’s military campaign despite the shocking number of civilian casualties.
Indicative of this continuing military support, even in the absence of a bill that would give Israel substantial additional funding, in early December the Biden administration notified Congress that it was going ahead with a sale to Israel of $106.5 million in tank munitions.
Republican Grandstanding
US advice about the danger of inflicting civilian casualties—obvious to anyone who has studied warfare and insurgencies—has earned the ire of some prominent Republicans. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin III told an audience in California that indiscriminate bombings would radicalize Palestinian civilians by stating: “if you drive them into the arms of the enemy, you replace a tactical victory with a strategic defeat… I have repeatedly made clear to Israel’s leaders that protecting Palestinian civilians in Gaza is both a moral responsibility and a strategic imperative,” incurring the wrath of Lindsey Graham. The Republican Senator from South Carolina said he had now lost all confidence in Austin, calling him “naïve,” and implored him to stop criticizing Israel and telling that country “things that are impossible to achieve.”
Not to be outdone, Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, another Republican hawk, called on the US government to investigate more than 500 federal employees for “insubordination” because they had the audacity to call for a ceasefire in an open letter to the Biden administration. Rubio charged that a ceasefire only benefits Hamas and pressed for a full investigation and publication of the names of those who signed the letter, a kind of modern day witch-hunt and an attempt to suppress dissent.
Rubio, like most of his fellow Republicans as well as a substantial number of Democrats in Congress, has long been a supporter of the pro-Israel lobby, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Although it is unclear if AIPAC had a hand in Rubio’s call for an investigation of the dissenting federal employees, the lobby has often made full support for Israel a litmus test, with any equivocation by a member of Congress questioning Israel’s tactics frequently resulting in the lobby backing a challenger to his or her next electoral contest. This is one reason why nearly all of the 2024 Republican presidential contenders have voiced uncritical support for Israel and have condemned the Biden administration’s cautionary notes about the need to limit Palestinian civilian casualties. For many Republican office-holders or candidates, that thousands of innocent Palestinians, including women and children, have been killed seems to be an insignificant issue.
For many Republican office-holders or candidates, that thousands of innocent Palestinians, including women and children, have been killed seems to be an insignificant issue.
Some Democratic Politicians Speak Up
A small group of Democrats in Congress has spoken of the need for a ceasefire, while some others have weighed in on the use of American weapons by Israel. In early December, five Democratic Senators, led by Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, sent a letter to Biden
calling on him to ensure that US weapons transferred to Israel are not used in contravention to US policy and international law. The letter noted that there is “insufficient transparency around weapons transfers to Israel,” and called on the administration to “ensure that existing guidance and standards are being used to evaluate the reports of Israel using US weapons in attacks that harm civilians.” Some Democrats from the House of Representatives sent a similar letter to the White House. Meanwhile, Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, an independent who caucuses with Democrats, wrote to his colleagues stating that it would be irresponsible to provide an additional $10.1 billion unconditional military aid to Israel, as the White House has requested, because doing so would allow “the Netanyahu government to continue its current inhumane military approach.” In addition, Democratic Senator Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, in a December 8 op-ed in the Washington Post, wrote that until Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu produces a “verifiable plan” to reduce civilian casualties and cooperates with US efforts to provide humanitarian assistance in Gaza, the United States “should not support the current resumption of hostilities.”
Such statements by Democratic lawmakers reflect their genuine concern over how Israel is prosecuting its war on Gaza, as well as represent the sentiments of many of their constituents.
Various polls conducted by reputable organizations make clear that many Democratic voters are upset with the Biden administration over the conflict. For example, an early November poll from the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research found that while 50 percent of Democrats support Biden’s position, almost as many (46 percent) disapprove. Perhaps even more alarming for Biden’s re-election campaign, nearly two-thirds of younger Democrats (those under 45 years old) and 58 percent of non-white Democrats disapprove of Biden’s handling of the conflict. These groups are an important part of Biden’s political base that carried him to victory in 2020.
In the important swing state of Michigan, which Biden won by a slim margin in 2020, a recent CNN poll found that former President Donald Trump currently leads Biden by ten points (50 percent to 40 percent), with 10 percent of voters saying they do not support either candidate. Although the numbers may be more indicative of the public’s concerns about domestic issues, and the poll does not break down numbers by ethnic group, Arab-Americans represent a significant voting bloc in the state and many are angry with Biden, whom they backed in 2020, over the Gaza conflict. This is not to say that they will throw their support to Trump, as many remember his words and actions against Muslim immigrants (he recently doubled-down on such hateful rhetoric, saying that immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country”). There is a good chance that many Muslim- and Arab-Americans will simply not vote if there is a repeat of the Biden-Trump contest.
In addition, according to a University of Maryland Critical Issues Poll, there is a sharp divide between Republicans and Democrats over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with Democrats being much more sympathetic to Palestinians than Republicans. However, as the war on Gaza intensified from the third week in October to the first week in November, polls found that “the number of respondents wanting the United States to take Israel’s side dropped across the partisan divide.” Interestingly, among Republicans, support for Israel dropped 10 percent during this period, from 71 to 61 percent, a downward trend out of sync with Republican politicians or their media supporters such as Fox News who remain solidly pro-Israel.
Interestingly, among Republicans, support for Israel dropped 10 percent during this period, from 71 to 61 percent, a downward trend out of sync with Republican politicians or their media supporters such as Fox News who remain solidly pro-Israel.
Recommendations for US Policy
Biden’s critical remark about “indiscriminate” Israeli attacks on Palestinian civilians needs to be backed up by more tangible and tougher policy changes. As the leader of the only country having any real clout with Israel, Biden needs to exercise his influence with Israeli officials and not accept at face value assertions that they are doing their best to protect civilians in Gaza. At a minimum, he should hold up additional military aid until Palestinian civilian deaths end and Israel allows more adequate humanitarian aid into Gaza, as the suffering among destitute civilians there has reached alarming proportions. Even though Hamas started the recent conflict, it is morally untenable for the United States not to do all it can to stop the deaths of thousands of innocent people, especially since Israel is conducting its military campaign largely with US-supplied weapons.
As the leader of the only country having any real clout with Israel, Biden needs to exercise his influence with Israeli officials and not accept at face value assertions that they are doing their best to protect civilians in Gaza.
Moreover, such a stance may begin to improve the shattered image of the United States in the wider Arab world. By taking such a position, Biden would also improve his political standing at home and position himself as a leader bringing the deadly conflict to an end. This would be especially welcomed by alienated younger and progressive Democrats whose support he needs to win re-election. Meanwhile, Republican criticism of Biden and his administration will go on regardless of the stance he takes.
The views expressed in this publication are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the position of Arab Center Washington DC, its staff, or its Board of Directors.
Such statements by Democratic lawmakers reflect their genuine concern over how Israel is prosecuting its war on Gaza, as well as represent the sentiments of many of their constituents.
Various polls conducted by reputable organizations make clear that many Democratic voters are upset with the Biden administration over the conflict. For example, an early November poll from the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research found that while 50 percent of Democrats support Biden’s position, almost as many (46 percent) disapprove. Perhaps even more alarming for Biden’s re-election campaign, nearly two-thirds of younger Democrats (those under 45 years old) and 58 percent of non-white Democrats disapprove of Biden’s handling of the conflict. These groups are an important part of Biden’s political base that carried him to victory in 2020.
In the important swing state of Michigan, which Biden won by a slim margin in 2020, a recent CNN poll found that former President Donald Trump currently leads Biden by ten points (50 percent to 40 percent), with 10 percent of voters saying they do not support either candidate. Although the numbers may be more indicative of the public’s concerns about domestic issues, and the poll does not break down numbers by ethnic group, Arab-Americans represent a significant voting bloc in the state and many are angry with Biden, whom they backed in 2020, over the Gaza conflict. This is not to say that they will throw their support to Trump, as many remember his words and actions against Muslim immigrants (he recently doubled-down on such hateful rhetoric, saying that immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country”). There is a good chance that many Muslim- and Arab-Americans will simply not vote if there is a repeat of the Biden-Trump contest.
In addition, according to a University of Maryland Critical Issues Poll, there is a sharp divide between Republicans and Democrats over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with Democrats being much more sympathetic to Palestinians than Republicans. However, as the war on Gaza intensified from the third week in October to the first week in November, polls found that “the number of respondents wanting the United States to take Israel’s side dropped across the partisan divide.” Interestingly, among Republicans, support for Israel dropped 10 percent during this period, from 71 to 61 percent, a downward trend out of sync with Republican politicians or their media supporters such as Fox News who remain solidly pro-Israel.
Interestingly, among Republicans, support for Israel dropped 10 percent during this period, from 71 to 61 percent, a downward trend out of sync with Republican politicians or their media supporters such as Fox News who remain solidly pro-Israel.
Recommendations for US Policy
Biden’s critical remark about “indiscriminate” Israeli attacks on Palestinian civilians needs to be backed up by more tangible and tougher policy changes. As the leader of the only country having any real clout with Israel, Biden needs to exercise his influence with Israeli officials and not accept at face value assertions that they are doing their best to protect civilians in Gaza. At a minimum, he should hold up additional military aid until Palestinian civilian deaths end and Israel allows more adequate humanitarian aid into Gaza, as the suffering among destitute civilians there has reached alarming proportions. Even though Hamas started the recent conflict, it is morally untenable for the United States not to do all it can to stop the deaths of thousands of innocent people, especially since Israel is conducting its military campaign largely with US-supplied weapons.
As the leader of the only country having any real clout with Israel, Biden needs to exercise his influence with Israeli officials and not accept at face value assertions that they are doing their best to protect civilians in Gaza.
Moreover, such a stance may begin to improve the shattered image of the United States in the wider Arab world. By taking such a position, Biden would also improve his political standing at home and position himself as a leader bringing the deadly conflict to an end. This would be especially welcomed by alienated younger and progressive Democrats whose support he needs to win re-election. Meanwhile, Republican criticism of Biden and his administration will go on regardless of the stance he takes.
The views expressed in this publication are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the position of Arab Center Washington DC, its staff, or its Board of Directors.
