Israel took advantage of Hamas’s Al-Aqsa Flood operation on October 7, 2023, to launch a war of extermination against the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip. It announced that its goal in the war was to eliminate Hamas’s rule and its military power there. However, at the same time, it sought to achieve another goal, which was to displace the Palestinians, or most of them, from the Gaza Strip to the Egyptian Sinai and to other countries in the region and around the world. In this context, the Israeli army carried out a full-scale destruction of Palestinian cities, camps, and towns in the Gaza Strip, destroying residential buildings and various infrastructures that provide services necessary for the life of civilians, such as electricity and water, as well as various institutions, including schools, universities, hospitals, mosques, churches, United Nations agencies, economic and industrial facilities, transportation routes, agricultural fields, and others. By mid-March 2024, more than 31,500 Palestinians had been martyred, most of them women and children, 7,000 others had been missing, and more than 27,000 were injured, also most of them women and children. The war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the Israeli army against the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip were not only done to achieve military goals or to satisfy the instinct for revenge, but also, primarily, to turn the Gaza Strip into an area unfit for living, in order to force the Palestinians to emigrate.
Origins of the Idea of Displacement
The idea of expelling the Palestinian people from their land emerged from the core of the Zionist movement and accompanied the development of the Zionist project in Palestine from the late nineteenth century until today. We can hardly find a Zionist leader who did not call for the expulsion of the Palestinians from their homeland, and linked the establishment of the Jewish state in Palestine to the expulsion of the Palestinians from it.1 In the 1930s, a Zionist consensus was formed, including various Zionist parties and institutions, calling for the displacement of Palestinians from Palestine. The Jewish Agency and Israel established three deportation (transfer) committees to develop practical plans for displacing Palestinians from Palestine and settling them outside of it, especially in Syria, Iraq, and Jordan. The first was in 1937; the second in 1942; and the third in 1948 .2 In addition, the Zionist Haganah organization developed military plans in the 1940s, which it developed into Plan D (Dalet) in March 1948, and began implementing it at the beginning of April 1948. In the 1948 war, the Zionist military organizations and the Israeli army expelled about 800,000 Palestinians from their cities, towns, and villages.
The issue of Palestinian refugees constituted a central episode in the Arab-Israeli conflict. While the Palestinians, Arab countries, and most countries in the world demanded the return of Palestinian refugees to their homes, Israel strongly rejected this, and also refused to implement United Nations General Assembly Resolution No. 194, issued on December 11, 1948, which called for the return of Palestinian refugees to their homes. Since their displacement in the 1948 war, Israel has sought to settle Palestinians in Arab countries, especially Syria, Iraq, and Jordan, and in other countries around the world. The United States supported the resettlement of the majority of Palestinian refugees in Arab countries, especially in Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and Sinai, and the return of only a small portion of them to their homes. Before the June 1967 war, it proposed many projects in this regard.
The presence of Palestinian refugees in general, and refugees in the Gaza Strip in particular, raised concerns among Israeli leaders. Since the late 1940s, they have been busy developing plans to displace the Palestinians from the Gaza Strip and resettle them in Sinai or in other countries in the region and the world. During the short period when Israel occupied the Gaza Strip, in the tripartite aggression against Egypt in 1956, it developed plans to displace Palestinian refugees from there, and Israel’s then-Minister of Finance Levi Eshkol, allocated an initial financial sum of half a million dollars to achieve this goal.3
The presence of Palestinian refugees in the Gaza Strip continued to worry the Israeli leadership, especially since their fertility rate was high. When he became prime minister of Israel, Eshkol said in a meeting in 1965 to Chief of Staff of the Israeli Army Yitzhak Rabin that the Palestinian refugees in the Gaza Strip were multiplying rapidly, and that this might lead to an explosive situation. Eshkol asked Rabin what would happen if Palestinian refugees in the Gaza Strip organized a large march, led by women and children, into Israel. Rabin replied that that would not happen, but if it did, the Israeli army would shoot them and kill the first one hundred of them, so everyone on the march would return to the Strip.4
Displacement after the 1967 War
After Israel occupied the Gaza Strip in the 1967 war, a consensus prevailed in the Israeli government that Israel would not withdraw from the Strip in any solution with the Arab countries, and would officially annex it after expelling its residents, or the majority of them. The government did not rush to annex the Gaza Strip to Israel, just as it annexed East Jerusalem immediately after its occupation in the 1967 war. This is because there were more than 400,000 Palestinians living there at the time, about 75 percent of whom were refugees who were displaced by Israel from their homes in the 1948 war. Annexing the Gaza Strip and its residents, in addition to East Jerusalem, and the presence of Palestinians inside the Green Line would have constituted a “demographic threat” to Israel, according to the concept of the Israeli government.
It is clear from Israeli documents, especially from the minutes of the Israeli government meetings on June 18 and 19, 1967, which were revealed in recent years, that the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip was the highest priority. There was consensus on the necessity of displacing them to Sinai or to Jordan.5 The Israeli government has formed many committees and allocated budgets to them to achieve this goal. The “Ministry Directors” committee formed by the Israeli government developed plans to displace Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, in cooperation with senior officials in the Ministry of Defense and the leaders of the military establishment, General Intelligence, and the Prime Minister’s Office. This committee drafted a document regarding the displacement of Palestinians from the occupied territories, and it was ratified by Defense Minister Moshe Dayan on October 13, 1967 .6 The document gave the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip to Jordan the highest priority, through following a comprehensive, systematic policy toward the Strip, which stifles its economy, prevents the establishment of economic projects, maintains high unemployment there, facilitates the process of one-way travel to Jordan via the West Bank, provides various incentive schemes, and increases various forms of oppression against its population. In November 1967, the results of Israel’s policy of pressuring the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip by various means to immigrate to Jordan became clear. During the period November 1967-July 1968, the monthly rate of migration from the Gaza Strip to Jordan was about 2,800 people. This migration did not stop until the Jordanian government became aware of it and took a decision to stop it, by strictly preventing the entry of residents of the Gaza Strip into Jordan through the West Bank.7
In addition to the attempts at displacement to Jordan, Israel during that period made other efforts to displace the population of the Gaza Strip to countries in South America by trying to reach an agreement with more than one country there to accept the migration of residents in exchange for a sum of money that Israel pays for each immigrant the country receives. In May 1969, the Mossad agreed with the Paraguayan government to accept the immigration of 60,000 Palestinians from the Gaza Strip over four years, and to grant them entry visas to work there which enables them to obtain citizenship there within five years. The Israeli occupation authorities were able, through intimidation and enticement, to force several hundred residents of the Gaza Strip to emigrate to Paraguay, and provided each family with one-way tickets, a sum of money, and many promises. It seems that the Israeli occupation authorities have broken the promises they made to their Palestinian victims. Two immigrants from the Gaza Strip entered the Israeli consulate in Paraguay and asked to meet the consul. When he hesitated to respond to their request, one of them opened fire, killing one person and wounding another. This put an end to the ambitious displacement plan.8
In the past decades, the displacement of Palestinians has been a high priority in the mind of Israeli leaders, and they have developed various visions and plans. For example, Rabin stated at the beginning of 1973 that the refugee problem in the Gaza Strip should not be solved there, but rather in Jordan, and that Israel must provide the appropriate conditions, especially economic ones, to achieve this.9
In 2010, General Giora Eiland, who headed the Israeli National Security Council from 2004 to 2006, proposed a project to settle more than a million Palestinians from the Gaza Strip in Sinai within the framework of a land exchange agreement between Egypt, Israel, and Palestine as follows:10
- Egypt gives the Gaza Strip an adjacent area of 720 square kilometers from Sinai, extending 24 kilometers on the shore of the Mediterranean Sea, and 34 kilometers on the Egyptian border with the Gaza Strip and Israel.
- In exchange for obtaining 720 square kilometers of Sinai, the Palestinians give up 720 square kilometers of the occupied West Bank to Israel, in the areas where the Jewish settlement blocs are located, which are equivalent to 12 percent of West Bank area.
- In exchange for the area that Egypt gives to the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip, Egypt obtains from Israel an area in the southwestern Negev Desert that may reach 720 square kilometers, but it may be smaller than that, if Egypt accepts the enticements and privileges it obtains from Israel.11
Displacement after October 7, 2023
As soon as Israel launched its war against the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, Israeli calls for their displacement to Sinai and other countries in the region and around the world began to appear. These calls have increased daily from Israeli leaders within the government coalition parties, among the political opposition, in the media, public opinion leaders, and in many Israeli research centers. In this context, in the first phase of the war, the Israeli army publicly called on all Palestinians in the Gaza and northern governorates to leave their homes and head to the southern Gaza Valley and the southern Gaza Strip. In the second phase of the war, he called on all residents of the Central and Khan Yunis governorates to go to Rafah, which is adjacent to the border with Sinai.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was vocal publicly and secretly in the call for Palestinian displacement to Sinai since the beginning of the war.12 At the beginning of the war, he, in addition to other Israeli officials, asked many western leaders to support Israel’s effort to displace the Palestinians to Sinai. In this context, Netanyahu asked US President Joe Biden, British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, and French President Emmanuel Macron, during their visits to Israel at the beginning of the war, to pressure Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to accept the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinian civilians from the Gaza Strip to Sinai.13
Israeli Official Document Calls for Displacement
Less than a week after the start of the Israeli war of annihilation, the Israeli Ministry of Intelligence issued an official document in which it called for the displacement of the residents of the Gaza Strip to Sinai,14 and believed that the Israeli government should define the political goal of the war that it seeks to achieve with regard to civilians, in addition to achieving the military goal of the war of eliminating Hamas rule and its military power in the Gaza Strip. The document stated that the Israeli government has three options: the population remains in the Gaza Strip and the Palestinian Authority returns to it; the population remains in the Strip under new local government controlled by Israel; and the displacement of the population from the Gaza Strip to Sinai.
The document rejected the first and second options and considered that the first option constituted the greatest defeat for Israel and a victory for the Palestinian national movement, because it ends the Palestinian division between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and leads to the establishment of a Palestinian state. The document stressed that the second option does not provide any strategic gain for Israel, but rather constitutes a burden on it for several years to come. It recommended adopting the third option, which is displacing the population to Sinai and to other countries in the region and around the world. It recommended that Israel must ask the civilian population to migrate to the south of the Gaza Strip in Rafah in preparation for their displacement to Sinai, and that Israel must keep the traffic lanes toward the south open when it bombs the Gaza Strip, to provide the opportunity to displace civilians to Rafah.
The document urged the Israeli government to intensify work at the international level, especially with the United States and Western countries, to provide international legitimacy for the process of displacement to Sinai, and for these countries to make efforts to pressure the Egyptian leadership to accept the displacement of Palestinians to Sinai, in exchange for providing economic support to Egypt to address its economic crisis. It also called for influencing the United States to put pressure on many countries in the Middle East and Western countries to absorb part of the Gaza Strip’s population. The document pointed to the importance of promoting the displacement plan in the media, regionally, internationally, and among the Palestinians themselves in the Gaza Strip, as well as emphasizing to the Palestinians that their homes have been lost and it was impossible to return to them.15
After the document was unveiled, Intelligence Minister Gila Gamliel remained committed to the displacement. In an article for The Jerusalem Post, she called for exploiting the war on the Gaza Strip to displace Palestinians from it to Sinai and other countries around the world.16 She stressed that one of the tasks of her ministry is what to do the day after the elimination of Hamas and its rule in the Gaza Strip, and that the continued residence of more than two million Palestinians there is unacceptable, regardless of the nature of the authority that will rule it, and that the only solution is to displace them to Sinai and other countries in the region and the world.17
The call for displacement has extended to other groups in Israeli society, including research centers.18 Ten days after the start of the war, Raphael Ben Levy, a researcher at the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy, published an article in which he called for the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip to Sinai and other countries around the world, and strongly rejected any other solution in which the Palestinians would remain in the Strip, whether under Israeli occupation or under the rule of any Palestinian authority.19 He expressed his conviction that Israel must displace the population of the Gaza Strip to Sinai, and must also push for the development of an international initiative to absorb the displaced in other countries, and annex the Gaza Strip after the displacement of its Palestinian population. He added that it is natural for Israel’s enemies and their supporters in the world to oppose the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, because they realize that this would be a tangible victory for Israel and a new catastrophe for the Palestinians; but despite this opposition, Israel should adhere to the goal of expelling the Palestinians from the Gaza Strip.20
Amir Weitmann, a Likud Party activist, published a paper in which he proposed a detailed plan to displace the residents of the Gaza Strip to Egypt,21 in which he claimed that Egypt’s economy is suffering from a deep economic crisis that threatens the stability of the Egyptian regime and the interests of many countries, especially those that gave Egypt large loans. He pointed out that the Egyptian regime has so far opposed the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip to Egypt, but it is possible to overcome this opposition through Israel generously providing money to Egypt, accompanied by American pressure. He suggested that Israel be generous with Egypt, paying it about $30-40 billion to buy a few hundred thousand available apartments in many cities, such as the cities of 6th of October and 10th of Ramadan, to settle the Palestinians who will be displaced from the Gaza Strip. He concluded that now is an appropriate time to realize this ambitious plan, and that “Israel’s economic strength can help address the Egyptian economic crisis in order to achieve the displacement of the population of the Gaza Strip to Egypt.”22
Yoav Sorek, editor of HaShiloach magazine, published a paper in which he argued that Israel must abandon the previous assumptions that led to October 7, and have “moral clarity” about the goals it seeks to achieve. It is clear from his paper that the morals he calls for are nothing other than the morals of murderers and major criminals in human history. He stated that these goals must be based on the following principles:23 First, mass killing must be part of achieving victory over the enemy, but mass killing that does not do this is not moral. In other words, Israel has the right to commit mass murder against the Palestinians, as long as this achieves victory. Second, keeping the residents of the Gaza Strip there is an immoral policy. Third, deporting the civilian population of the Gaza Strip who are not involved in the war to countries in the region and the world is a moral act, and they should be settled in many countries in the region and around the world, and the United Nations Relief and Works Organization for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) should be abolished. He stressed that the Palestinians who were displaced by the Israeli army from the north to the south of the Gaza Strip should not be allowed to return to their homes. He added that “justice and revenge” are a strategic necessity for Israel. On October 7, Israeli deterrence suffered a severe blow, and it will not be restored unless the Palestinians pay a very heavy price that changes reality. If Israel does not restore deterrence, it will begin to decline politically, economically, and in security terms. He stated that Gaza must be rebuilt as an Israeli city after the displacement of the Palestinians.24
The founder of the “Im Tirtzu” movement (“If you will, there is no dream”), Ronen Shoval, was no less extremist than Sorek. He emphasized in an article that it must be clear to the West in general, and to Israel in particular, that the survival of the Palestinian population and the survival of a “murderous regime” in the Gaza Strip is immoral work, and that transferring the Palestinian population not involved in the war out of the Gaza Strip is a moral act.25 He added that the killers must be “wiped out of existence” through an all-out war on the Gaza Strip. In this war, the civilian population not involved in the war will be granted safe passage toward Egypt. The Israeli army must kill everyone who remains in the Gaza Strip after issuing a warning to them to surrender and leave.26
The call for displacement was not limited to the far right and the fascist right in Israel, nor to the parties of the government coalition led by Netanyahu, but rather extended to members of the Knesset in the leadership of the Israeli opposition. The leading member of the Knesset in the Yesh Atid Party, Ram Ben Barak, who is considered the number two in the party and had announced his intention to run against Yair Lapid for the party’s leadership, demanded in a joint article with MK Danny Danon, a Likud Party leader, in The Wall Street Journal, the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip to Western and other countries around the world.27 They called on Western countries and international organizations with experience in dealing with refugee issues to develop an international project through which large-scale displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip would take place to Western and other countries that would accept them.28
Danon revealed that Israel had made an effort at the international level to displace the population of the Gaza Strip, and claimed that many countries in South America and Africa had expressed their willingness to absorb refugees from there, and that some of them “requested money and other things” in exchange for agreeing to absorb them.29 Danon tried to justify the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip by saying that it is a natural thing that happens in wars, and that it is not an original Israeli plan that Israel has always sought to achieve. He stated, “In every war there is migration. Look at what happened in Syria. A million and a half moved to Jordan, three million moved to Turkey, and several million also moved to Europe.” He added that Israel will communicate with countries in the region and the world to urge them to accept the immigration of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, without talking to them about high numbers “so as not to frighten them, and even if each country accepts ten thousand to twenty thousand from the Gaza Strip, this is a significant number.”30 Danon raised the issue of displacement at a Likud Party bloc meeting in the Knesset, in which Netanyahu said that he encourages the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, but the problem lies in finding countries that agree to accept them.31
Additionally, on December 4, 2023, Moshe Bsal, a member of the Knesset from the Likud Party, proposed legislation to encourage the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip. The text of the proposed law states that the Israeli government is contacting countries around the world to urge them to absorb Palestinian immigrants from the Gaza Strip, and that it will pay six thousand dollars to each immigrant from the Gaza Strip, and ten thousand dollars to the receiving country for every immigrant it absorbs.32
Public Meeting Calls for Displacement
In the context of calling for displacement and placing it at the top of the agenda of Israeli public opinion, the extreme right parties and the ruling fascist right in Israel took the initiative to hold a large popular meeting in late January 2024, in the National Institutions Building in West Jerusalem, in which thousands of Israelis participated. The leaders of the government coalition parties who participated in the meeting called for the expulsion of the Palestinians from the Gaza Strip and the renewal of Jewish settlement there. Fifteen Knesset members and 12 ministers from the Likud, Jewish Power, Religious Zionism, United Torah Judaism, and leaders of Jewish settlement movements participated in the meeting, in which they signed a settlement charter for the Gaza Strip.33
The call for the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip dominated this meeting. The ministers and members of the Knesset who spoke there, amid crowd chants of “Transfer,” demanded the displacement of the Palestinians from the Gaza Strip and the re-settlement of its cities and their conversion into Jewish cities after the expulsion of the Palestinians from them.34 This popular meeting was not only distinguished by the participation of many ministers and Knesset members from the leaders of the Likud Party—who called in their speeches for the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip—but also by the leaders of the two fascist parties that are partners in the government coalition, Jewish Power led by Itamar Ben-Gvir and Religious Zionism led by Bezalel Smotrich. The head of the United Torah Judaism Party, Yitzhak Goldknopf, also participated and gave a speech in which he stated that he stands against giving up any part of the “Land of Israel” and that he supports the renewal of Jewish settlement in all the lands of the Gaza Strip.35
Conclusion
In addition to achieving the declared goal of the war, which is to eliminate Hamas’s rule and its military power in the Gaza Strip, Israel is trying to displace the Palestinians, or most of them, from the Gaza Strip to Sinai. The war of extermination and destruction of the Gaza Strip and turning it into an area unfit for living directly serve Israel’s strategy of displacement. To achieve this, Israel is working publicly and secretly to reach an agreement with many countries around the world to receive the largest number of Palestinians in exchange for providing them with money, and that is whether through Rafah, through a port that is being established, or via Israel itself.
This case analysis was first published in Arabic on March 19, 2024, by the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.
The views expressed in this publication are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the position of Arab Center Washington DC, its staff, or its Board of Directors.
2 During the first round of the war between Israel and Arab states, the third “Transfer Committee” was established. One of the first to discuss its establishment and activities was its head Yosef Weitz in his memoirs that he published in five volumes in 1965. Yosef Weitz, Memoirs and Letters to My Children (Ramat Gan, Massada, 1965), pp. 291-274 (Hebrew).
3 Tom Segev, 1967 and the Countries It Changed (Jerusalem, Keter, 2005), p. 557 (Hebrew). For more information on the many plans Israel proposed for displacing Palestinian refugees, especially from the Gaza Strip to Sinai, Jordan, Latin American and other countries, see ibid., Chapter 6, pp. 548-568.
4 Ibid., p. 458.
5 For more, see Israeli Government Meeting Minutes for June 18 and 199, 1967, Archives of the State of Israel.
6 Omri Shaver Raviv, “The place to be depopulated: encouraging Palestinian emigration from the Gaza Strip, 1967-1969,” in Omri Ben Yehooda and Dotan Halevy, Eds., Gaza: Place and Image in the Israeli General Discourse (Tel Aviv, Gamma, 2023), pp. 145-169 (Hebrew).
7 Ibid., p. 160.
8 See ibid.; Mhareb, “Zionism and the Demographic Threat.”
9 “Maariv asks and former Chiefs of Staff answer,” Maariv, February 16, 1973, p. 17 (Hebrew).
10 Giora Eiland, Regional Alternatives to the Concept of Two States for Two People (Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Ramat Gan, 2010), Memorandum No. 4 (Hebrew).
11 Ibid.
12 Patrick Kingsley, “Israel Quietly Pushed for Egypt to Admit Large Numbers of Gazans,” The New York Times, November 7, 2023, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://ibit.ly/qCLRe.
13 Yasmeen Abutaleb, John Hudson, and William Booth, “Biden and Netanyahu Heading for a Collision on Post War Agenda,” The Washington Post, December 21, 2023, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://ibit.ly/lfhGJ. Also see “Report: Netanyahu asked Biden to pressure Egypt’s president to absorb Palestinians from Gaza,” YNET, December 22, 2023, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://ibit.ly/0m1TW.
14 Jonathan Lis, “The Intelligence Ministry’s document proposes transferring Gaza residents to Sinai,” Haaretz, October 29, 2023, accessed March 17, 2023, at https://ibit.ly/NbWnB (Hebrew). The 10-page document can be seen at “Policy Paper: Options for a policy regarding Gaza’s civilian population,” Scribd, October 13, 2023, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://ibit.ly/bIpn2 (Hebrew).
15 Ibid.
16 Gila Gamliel, “Victory is an Opportunity for Israel in the Midst of Crisis,” The Jerusalem Post, November 19, 2023, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://cutt.ly/kw2aOU9j.
17 Ibid.
18 Among these was the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy that was established in 2005 as The Institute for Zionist Strategies until 2023 when it was renamed. This institute was responsible for proposing the “Nationality Law” of 2018.
19 Raphael BenLevi, “The expulsions of Gazans: a strategic necessity,” HaShiloach, October 2023, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://cutt.ly/fw2aPUWQ (Hebrew).
20 Ibid.
21 Amir Weitmann, “The opportunity suggested by the economic crisis in Egypt,” HaShiloach, October 2023 (Hebrew).
22 Ibid.
23 Yoav Sorek, “Necessary, moral, and possible: not returning them to Gaza,” HaShiloach, October 2023, accessed March 17, 204, at https://ibit.ly/z4E5W (Hebrew).
24 Ibid.
25 Ronen Shoval, “Remember what Hamas did to you,” Mida, November 1, 2023, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://ibit.ly/xqIru (Hebrew).
26 Ibid.
27 Dany Danon and Ram Ben Barak, “The West should Welcome Gaza Refugees,” The Wall Street Journal, November 13, 2023, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://cutt.ly/cw2aGHXL.
28 Ibid.
29 “MK Danon: Countries in Latin America and Africa suggested absorbing refugees from the Gaza Strip,” Haaretz, December 26, 2023, accessed March 17, 2023, at https://cutt.ly/1w2aHhj1 (Hebrew).
30 Ibid.
31 Ibid.
32 “Proposed law to absorb residents from the Gaza Strip,” Knesset, December 4, 2023, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://cutt.ly/lw2aH1gJ (Hebrew).
33 Anna Barsky, “Dancing and Shouting ‘Transfer’: ministers and MKs in a meeting to renew settlements in Gaza,” Maariv, January 28, 2024, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://cutt.ly/hw2aJH3l (Hebrew).
34 Nir Hasson, “Settlement in Gaza is only a slogan, the main topic in the public meeting was ‘transfer’,” Haaretz, January 29, 2024, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://cutt.ly/Mw2aKfJv (Hebrew).
35 Gilaad Cohen and Moran Azulay, “Encouraging emigration and signing a charter for renewing settlement in Gaza: participation of the coalition leaders,” YNET, January 28, 2024, accessed March 17, 2024, at https://cutt.ly/Pw2aKGWh (Hebrew).
